English Banking Law Essay Example for Free

English Banking law of nature EssayINTRODUCTIONThere ar three types of draw frauds exists in UK viz. unsound, counterfeit and double- submitdly altered baulk fraud. In 2005, the withdraw fraud in U.K was estimated roughly 40.3 million a 13% decrease from the 2004 total of 46.2 million. The in the beginning year figures also revealed a steady increase totaling 36million in 2002 and 45million in 2003.In U.K during 2005, counterfeit impediment fraud was estimated at 3.23m, forged cheques fraud was estimated at 30.9 m in 2005 and fraudulently altered cheque fraud was estimated at 6.2 millions.SOURCE FRAUD FACTS -2006 APACS- UKThis paper studies the various protections available to money boxs and nodes when utilize cheques as opposed to cards, as method of payment. PROTECTION AVAILABLE TO CHEQUE PAYMENTS UNDER BILL OF EXCHANGE ACT, 1882, UK (BEA) AND CHEQUES ACT 1957Under Bill of Exchange cultivate, 1882, infra section 81 A, a non- mobile cheques has been define d as follows81 A (1). Where as cheques is pass over and bears across its face the words beak payee or a/c either with or without the word only, the cheques sh entirely non be transferable but shall only be valid as between the parties thereto.(2) A banker is not to be treated for the purpose of section 80 above as having been negligent by rea boys only of his failure to concern himself with any purported endorsement of a cheque which infra subsection (1) above or other reckless is not transferable. (Cheques Act, 1992).One risk associated with the cheques bearing forged or unauthorized endorsements. however protection is available infra the English Bills of exchange Act, (BEA, or the Act). Under BEA, a legitimate holder of a cheques payable to bearer attain a inviolable title to the pawn overcoming thereby any adverse claim of possessorship that might have been hold pricey against his predecessor.Accordingly, the payment by the drawee bank to those acquirers discharges the cheques as well as the drawers engagement thereon so as to permit the drawee bank to debit the drawees sexual conquest. But this is not applicable to cheques payable to order. In the persona of payable to order cheques, effect of an unauthorised or an absence of endorsement or forged endorsement shall have to be looked into chthonian the luck of forged endorsements.One of the ways to prevent forged endorsement or button due to stolen cheques is to use get across cheques or cheques payable in account. Cheques carrefour are available chthonic the BEA, UK. The cut across cheques requires to deposit the cheques into account earlier than payable to bearer does not verylocate the cheques theft losses but it minimizes the loss and thus benefits the party on whom the loss falls.Further the losses arose due to stolen cheques or loss cheques payable to bearer fall on the dispossessed owner under BEA. thus under BEA , reallocation of loss away from dispossessed owner may not be su ccessful in case of crossed cheques payable to bearer as the onerous shifted to bank for its negligence. If a bank has acted in good faith and it is defend under BEA for the payment made to fan out cheques to bearer. In the case of crossed cheques, if the bank seeks protection, it should have acted without negligence and in good faith. Under BEA, if forged endorsement losses fall on the taker from the forger who is naturally a bank. Further, the cheques payable to the order under the BEA, loss reduction thus seems to be mainly advantageous to the collecting bank. Further the collecting bankers of the crossed cheques are protected under the BEA over forged endorsements as long as they acted in good faith and without negligence.Further under BEA, the drawee bank is protected and this shifts the reallocation of forged endorsement losses to the first innocent party prior to the collecting bank. Where the one who grabbed the payment through a bank account was the conman, such innocent party is construed to be dispossessed owner. Thus the crossing has reassigned the loss to the dispossessed owner, thus excluding the collecting bank that took the cheque from the conman.Thus under BEA, protection is available to banking channel had they acted in good faith and without negligence even in case of crossed cheques .If an open or crossed stolen cheque has been collected by or paid to the conman , the loss is assigned to the dispossessed owner .Under UK laws , where a cheque is payable to order is collected or paid over a forged endorsement for or to a non-bank situated in the chain of title subsequent to the conman, loss is assigned to the non-bank from that of the conman.This is apart from of whether the cheque was collected for or paid to the innocent taker from the conman or someone obtaining title from the conman despite of crossing. Where the cheque is crossed and it has to be paid into a bank account and then only it can be encashed as it pass on be convenient f or the dispossessed owner to trace that person and assign the loss to him. Thus the crossing of cheque becomes more helpful to the true owner. However thus the innocent endorser has to bear the loss as the benefit is not in the reallocation of losses.The best example of the above is the Nigerian gangsters operating in UK and taking the gullible students who are in the poverty to carry out cheque fraud worth 50 million a year. These Nigerians conman recruit poor students with promises of good cash reward for just providing the conman with their bank account particulars. By using stolen corporate cheque books, they then deposit huge amount of British pounds through the accounts. No sooner the account is credenceed with the collection amount from the fraudulent cheques, the account lead be emptied before the firm or bank realizes what has happened.The major lions share goes to the conman and only a very stingy amount goes to the innocent, poor student who has provided the bank acco unt number to the conman. When the fraud comes to light due to alerting by the bank to the police, it is the poor, innocent student who will become the scapegoat. The conman mainly selects the students from Camden in North London where thousands of students from the capitals universities congregate. Conman liberally offer them up to 5000 for doing nothing.Then the conman approaches an insider who is working in the royal ring mail and induces them to steal a companys cheque book. Then the conman visits the company office to collect the directors signature from the dustbin and thus they sacredly copy the same in writing the bogus cheques. Thus the conman had a fortune by sharing a lions share in the booty leaving the innocent, poor account holder to face police and possible fraud investigation.iBanks and building societys in UK from September 2006 frontward is not to accept the cheques that are identification numberd in favour of the banks itself in a move to avoid frauds. Bank i s to insist to issue the cheques payable to an individual or to include the individuals name on the payee line after the name of the institution.This strategy is mainly designed to ensure that the money lands in the regenerate account and to bring to an end to cheque fraud which reached to a height of 46.2 million in 2004 which includes counterfeit and stolen cheques. This modification is being launched following a case in which an independent financial advisor informed his clients to draw cheques out to the financial institutions where the money was going to be invested. He then paid them in to his own account, rather than the customers account.iiUnder the BEA , there is a provision with a bill containing words prohibiting transfer or indicating an intension that it should not be transferable and these instruments is termed as not negotiable. As such these instruments can not be negotiated by the payee to another holder.In UK, an account payee or a/c payee and with or without the words only can be encashed only by the account holder and thus it can not be encashed other wise than by an endorsement. Further, under the BEA, the consequence of an unauthorised or forged assignment is similar to that of forged endorsement as both do not arrest title. Under BEA, in there is no acceptance, the drawee can not be held apt on the instrument and it does not exclude in tort or in receipt of money provided elements of such liability are present.If the drawer has given sufficient notice well in advance informing the drawee about the forged endorsement and the remedy available to the drawer against drawee for the forged endorsement is under contract and this arises regardless of any particular provision of the BEA. Further under BEA , no remedies is specified for the misappropriation under forged endorsement but the injured can avail the common law remedies for the embezzlement of property in chattels generally rather than stipulating specific recourse to the true owner of misappropriated cheques. Further the loss of cheque does not forfeit the operation on it under the BEA.Under BEA, no title is passed on under the forged endorsements and one who derives the title under forged endorsement can not enforce payments against a prior party to the forgery. Further no payment is made under due course so as to discharge the cheque and to preclude drawees liability against the drawer. Thus the original owner from whom the cheque was stolen and forged inherits the right to and on the cheque and he has a right to sue for the wrongful baulk with his rights.Further under BEA, an endorser is barred from refuting the authenticity and promptness of all previous endorsements and at the time of endorsement, he had a good title and this demur will be advantageous for the holder in due course later. Further under BEA, the drawee bank can base its reliance on laws government mistake and restitution for the payment made over a forged endorsement. Further, under BE A provisions, true owner may recover on the lost cheque from any party prior to the falsification till up to the drawer.Under BEA, cheques payable to fictitious or non existing persons is deemed to payable to the bearer. A collecting bank can not be held responsible for payment made to a thief if it is drawn on fictitious name and if they have acted in good faith which absolves the collecting from its liability. In Fok Cheong Shing Investments v. Bank of Nova Scotia, the president of the drawer who turned to be the authorised signatory of the company issued a cheque to a real person with an intention for misappropriation.The loss was allocated to the drawer under the fictious payee provision. Thus the drawee bank is being protected under the BEA if it has paid a cheque over forged endorsement in the ordinary course of business under good faith. Thus the statutory protection is extended to the collecting bank which collects in good faith and without negligence a cheque bearing a forg ed endorsement. S 60 of the BEA does not warrant that drawee bank should act with out negligence. However one may assume that a bank has to act without negligence in the ordinary course of business.The UK Review Committee on Banking Services Law and Practice considered provisions ss.60, 80 and s.1 of the Cheques Act 1957. The committed recommended to combine these provisions under single enactment so that statutory protection may be extended to a paying bank acting in good faith and without negligence. Both the s 82 and s.1 of the Bills of exchange (crossed cheques) Act were repealed by the Cheques Act 1957 in UK which mainly extended the protection to open cheques and other payments documents.In UK, the drawee is primarily liable to payment, the endorser is liable secondly and the drawer is the ultimately liable to payment upon dishonor. Not withstanding this, the drawer and the endorser may sign without recourse. The United Nations Convention on international Bills of exchange and International Bills of Exchange and International promissory notes , 1988( UNCITRAL Convention) specifies that the drawer may exclude his own liability for acceptance or deferment by an express stipulation in the Bill. Such stipulation will hold of use only where another party is or becomes liable on the bill.PROTECTION AVAILABLE TO PAYING BANKSection 24 of the BEA states that a forged signature is no signature.In Brown v Westminster Bank (1964), the estoppel caused from the misleading facts from the client. In this case , the bank has reminded a old lady , the customer against the veracity of the signature as her signature was forged more than in 300 cheques and in turn she certified that the signature was her own. When the bank was sued by her son later, it was held that bank was not liable and they were estopped from denying the genuineness of the cheques.In Tai Cotton Mills Ltd v Liu Chong Hing bank (1985), it was held in this case that a customer of a bank needs to check his b ank statement to keep on watch that the forged cheques were processed. The banks express condition to the contrary in the contract with customer can absolve the banks from the wrongful debit.Like wise if a bank pays a cheque in breach of a commandment by oversight, it has the right of subrogation and the bank has the right to take the possession of a title or good that it effectively paid for.PROTECTION IN THE eluding OF CONVERSIONIt is not necessary for the bank to check every endorsement on the cheque and it would be time consuming and onerous to do so. So as to assuage the liability of banks, BEA (1882) and the Cheques Act (1959) offer defense for the paying bank.Bank of Ireland v Hollicourt (Contracts) limited (2000) EWCA Cir 263.A suit was filed against a bank which keep to pay on cheques against the companys bank account even after filing of a petition for bankruptcy. It was held that the bank had acted as an agent and didnt have any beneficial interest and the legislation made the disposition void but that did not operate the way claimed.Roger Smith and Christopher Trimothy Esmond Hayward and Lloyds Bank TSB Harvey Jones Ltd and Woolwich Plc (2000).Where a cheque has been misused falsely to change the name of the payee, then the piece of paper can not be termed as a cheque and an action for alteration against the collecting or paying bank will stand only as the nominal value of the paper and not as to the face value. As the material alteration was carried out with out assent of any one but the fraudster and under the bill is avoided save against a party go for or making to the alteration.PRECAUTIONS TO BE OBSERVED WHILE WRITING A CHEQUEWrite clearly the name of person in whose favour your are writing a cheque with additional information like Dr, Er, his shop name or company name etc.From September 2006 on wards whenever you issue a cheque to UK building society or to a bank, add additional information other than the name of the bank or society like account no, bank branch name etc.To prevent fraudsters to add words in the empty blank space available in the scripted cheque, it is always better to draw a line through unused spaces.Dont pre sign blank cheques and also try to fill all the details like full name, amount in figures and words and dont issue undated cheques.Always issue account payee only crossed cheques to avoid any frauds.CREDIT CARD CHEQUESThese cheques have been issued as an additional facility on credit card accounts for the last 10 years in UK. These are similar to the normal bank account cheques and can be deployed for the same purpose. During 2004 , about 3.4m credit cheques have been issued which constitute a very tiny percentage (2%) as opposed to overall number of credit card in operation which totaled to 1.727 billion in the UK according to APACS , the UK payment association. The credit card cheques are likely to bounce in most of the cases if credit limit has been crossed. These credit card cheques are utilised for high value minutes ranging from 850 as against 58 for a UK credit card purchases and 120 for payment of a personal cheque.In credit card cheques, the customer need not ask for the cheques from the credit card issuer but they are issued at the discretion of the card provider and there are different terms and conditions applicable to accomplishment done through credit cards cheques as compared with a credit card and this is being unaware by the most of the customers.One of the disadvantages is the fraud that is commonplace in the credit card cheques as the most of the issuer are forwarding it to their customers on discretionary basis. These credit card cheques are vulnerable to fraudulent activities as most of the customers do not aware that credit card cheques have been dispatched to them. In the case of these credit card frauds, lender has to bear the losses rather than customer.CREDIT CARD FRAUDSCredit and debit card frauds cost 400 m during 2004 and devise depl oyed by the fraudsters have become sophisticated.One of the remedy is to insure against the ID theft. nigh insurance company offer it as free adds on with home insurance policy. One of the protection for the prevention of credit card frauds is the introduction of modernistic industry standard namely Chip and Pin which required implanting a microchip inside the credit and debit card and mandates that consumers key in a secrete four-digit personal identification number to complete a transaction using the card. As the result the consumers deceived by the fraudsters are on the decrease in UK.i Dan Evans, Gangs Pounds 50m stolen cheque racket , Sunday reverberate, Jan, 12, 2003.ii Banks put checks on Cheques in new bid to beat pounds 46 million fraud, The Birmingham post, December 8, 2005, scalawag 24.Check Your Balance before the Match. The News Letter (Belfast, Northern Ireland) 11Cheques in the Post-Mortem. The Birmingham Post (England) 21 Jan. 2006 27.Cheques to Be Stubbed Out. After 350 YEARS Signed and Sealed. The Mirror (London, England) 10 Nov. 2004 1.Fraud Bill Shock. Evening Gazette (Middlesbrough, England) 31 Jan. 2006 2.Ghost Workers Help Fraud to Soar. Western Mail (Cardiff, Wales) 2 Feb. 2005 6.King of the Cons. The Mirror (London, England) 11 Jan. 2005 10.Postman Given Asylum Plundered Pounds Sterling 20million. The Daily Mail (London, England) 21 Dec. 2005 17.Store Bans Slowcoach Cheques to Speed Checkouts. Western Mail (Cardiff, Wales) 3 Apr. 2006 4.Sally Ramage Dabydeen, effective and Regulatory Frame work iUniverse, 2004.

Cult Practices in Cyprus During the Late Bronze Age

Cult Practices in Cyprus During the Late Bronze jump onAssess the certainty for religious cult readings on Cyprus during the LBA (Late Bronze Age).There is a commixture of render for cult practices on Cyprus during the LBA although it is of ten dollar bill difficult to interpret and scholarly opinion of the significance or meaning of any busy piece of evidence may vary widely. In absolute terms, the LBA on Cyprus approximately covers the consequence from 1650-1050BC, some six hundred years, and in relative terms is divided by brand into the phases LC (Late whore) I-IIIA (Tatton-Brown 1997, 91 Steel 2004, 13). The later phase down to c1050BC, traditionally termed LCIIIB, may be considered a transitional Bronze/Early Iron Age. such a considerable amount of time offers considerable scope for change in spi rite thought and practice, which may be more or less(prenominal) visible in the archaeologic record, and although some material change through time may be observable, any interpretation still poses the danger of distinguished a possibly non-existent uniformity on the material. A lack of any written references such as inscriptions, dedications or other texts to deities in LBA Cyprus further complicates matters (Tatton-Brown 1997, 62). Nevertheless, the archaeologic evidence usually discussed in terms of religious or cultic beliefs and practices in LBA Cyprus counts to fall into several interlinked categories clay figurines, architectural remains (eg of sanctuaries) and artefacts, such as statuettes, import pottery or bucrania, institute in association with those architectural remains. The identification of any particular deities has been fraught with difficulty, but several bronze statuettes, the most rise up-known being known as the Ingot divinity fudge and the Bomford figurine, are ofttimes thought to found whore or sometimes foreign graven images and to show a link amid cult and metalworking. This essay shall in that respectfore examin e these in turn, chargesing on LCII and LCIIIA in particular.There are various types of figurine from LBA Cyprus and as with figurines from elsewhere, their interpretation and significance is disputed. Considering the earlier stump and plank type human figures, Tatton-Brown (1997, 62) argues that whether they were fertility charms or goddesses in practical terms their function would guard been the akin. It is peradventure appropriate to bear this in mind with the LBA figurines. Karageorghis (2001, 323) has noned two types of effeminate symbolism in the religious iconography of LBA Cyprus one type of nude female figurine holding or supporting her breasts first appears on Cyprus in the Chalcolithic and continues down to the sixth century BC (see Tatton-Brown 1997, 49, fig. 49) another type, the kourotrophos (or boy-feeder see Tatton-Brown 1997, 62 fig. 67 for an early plank-shaped kourotrophos) appeared firstly in the LBA and was besides present in the Aegean as well as Cyprus . The former are sometimes known as Astarte type figures, after the Syrian goddess. This emphasis on female characteristics such as breasts and genitals, as well as the feeding infant or infant in arms, is certainly suggestive of an interest in fertility and the feminine aspect, often thought to be make uped by a big(p) Goddess of Cyprus. Although there is no textual evidence regarding female deities from LBA Cyprus, much later fourth century BC dedications at Paphos refer to Wanassa the Lady, which seems to be an old deed known in the LBA Linear B record of mainland Greece (Tatton-Brown 1997, 63). Greeks knew this goddess as Aphrodite or the Cyprian in the eighth century BC while Cypriots knew her as the Paphian, from the religious centre at Paphos. Whatever the female figurines represent and they may not level off represent goddesses, it has nevertheless been concluded that anthropomorphic clay figurines are not a typical element of LC cult equipment in LCII or LCIII but be come popular towards the end of the LBA (Steel 2004, 205, 211). Indeed, it seems that especially at Enkomi in LCIIIB, in the mental home of the Ingot God, smaller and larger figurines (wheel-made with upraised arms) became especially popular, perhaps representing worshippers and deities. The larger figurines seem to be cogitate to Cretan examples (Karageorghis 2001, 325). Most of the 120 figurines were deliberately broken, which may be indicative of changes in cult practice at this time (Webb 1999, 107).Anthropomorphic figurines are not the only type of figurine that may be related to cult practices on LBA Cyprus. Another key type may be the bruiser figurine. Steel (2004, 178) suggests that most LC cult sanctuaries are equipped with at least a single terracotta bull figure. Hadjisavvas (1989) describes the tentative identification of two sanctuaries and a household cult area at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris from LCIIC-IIIA, where in total more than ten bull figurines were found on floor s (see Hadjisavvas 1989, 38 fig. 3.6). Evidence of metalworking and a miniature ox-hide ingot were also found associated. Since bull figurines tend to be found on the floors of sanctuaries rather than deposited in pits ( some(prenominal)roi) or wells, Webb suggests they served as cult equipment rather than offerings (Webb 1999, 219). Bucrania had appeared on clay sanctuary models from the Early Bronze Age testifying to the longstanding significance of the bull in the Cypriot mindscape (Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 202) and the LBA figures emphasise the continuing importance of the bull in LCIIIA cult practices, reflected in the finds of cattle bones and skulls at sites such as the Sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi (Steel 2004, 205). It may be significant that at several sites, including the Sanctuary of the Double Goddess at Enkomi, no bull figurines were found.The focus of communal ceremonial activity seems to have changed in LCIIA from the extramural cemeteries that seemed to dominate the ceremonial of LCI to sites specific to religious activity sanctuaries, that now appear in the archaeological record (Steel 2004, 175). There are notable examples of specialised cult centres from LCIIA at Myrtou-Pighades, Athienou and perhaps Ayios Iakovos-Dhima and in LCIIC-IIIA at the urban centres of Kition, Enkomi and Palaepaphos (Steel 2004, 176). As seen above, the religious nature of a place may often be suggested by the finds associated with it, such as bull figurines or miniature ingots, supposing that they are a specialised assemblage diaphanous from domestic assemblages. Particular architectural features or installations, such as horns of consecration (a feature from the Aegean, particularly Crete), altars and a cult room, may also be used to secernate LC sanctuaries. The remains of sacrifice, stores cult objects and images and specialised prestige and religious objects, such as figurines, bucrania and imported pottery should also be indicative of a sanctua ry (Knapp 1996, 75-6 cited in Steel 2004, 175). However, the identification of cult buildings is not always straightforward since as Webb (1999, 11) points out there appear to be few artefacts or architectural or locational indicators exclusively diagnostic of cult activity. Virtually all object types, with the probable exception of horns of consecration, are found in domestic and funerary as well as apparently ritual contexts and there is a danger of circular argumentation.Bearing in mind the problems of identification, Webb (1999, 157-6 166-88) has nevertheless suggested a number of characteristics of LC cult buildings. such buildings are mostly rectangular and freestanding and incorporate an enclosed courtyard or temenos. They tend to be laid out on an east-west axis and often comprise two or three units of rooms the hall, sometimes supported by rows of pillars, the cella or adyton and a vestibule. A range of internal installations may be present, including benches, for storage and display hearths, often with burnt animal bone suggestive of sacrifice stone podia for food and drink offerings or the display of votives or cult equipment stone platforms or altars with horns of consecration, as at Myrtou-Pighades terracotta larnakes or bathtubs and pits or bothroi, for the disposal of debris from sacrifices. Also characteristic of LCII cult places are faunal remains of sheep, goat, cattle and deer, perhaps in the form of ash and burnt bone, the remains of sacrifice and feasting. The main function of cult buildings may have been to house the deity and any ritual or public assembly may have made use of the courtyard or temenos area (Webb 1999, 162). There may have been restricted addition to particular areas reflecting the specialised role of religious functionaries, as in other ancient Near Eastern societies. Keswani (1993, 74) has commented that what is striking about LC religious sites is their diversity in architectural form, which might argue for the exist ence of independent local polities. However the relationship in the midst of religion and its expression in material terms, let entirely the relationship between religion and politics, is unclear and, to use an analogy, the similarity of Gothic cathedrals or Christian churches across various countries does not reflect political unity. Furthermore, whether the innovational scholars distinction between cult building and non-cult building reflects any particular distinction between sacred and secular that may or may not have existed in LBA Cyprus is moot.Turning now to the artefacts that are often found in the sanctuaries, Steel (2004, 177) notes that in contrast to the variety in architecture, the cult equipment of LCII sanctuaries is fairly uniform. Although she comments that this may suggest a certain degree of uniformity of cult practices and religious beliefs it should be borne in mind that material similarities and even similarities of ritual action do not necessarily betoken similarities in religious belief the number of religions ancient and modern that utilise, for example, ritualised drinking (eg Christianity), while having really different sets of beliefs, should warn us of this. That said, the cult equipment is largely made up of ceramics that suggest certain features of cult practice. Liquid containers are common finds, especially build Ring carinated cups which may have been used for wine consumption during feasting, for pouring libations or both (Steel 2004, 177). The pottery in these contexts is usually fine Cypriot ware with some Mycenaean imports, mainly in the form of kraters, probably for mixing wine. Some Mycenaean rhyta, often conical vessels used for pouring libations, have been found, for example at Myrtou-Pighades and Kition (see Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 201 fig. 134) and a locally made imitation in ivory was found at Athienou, although they may not have been fully embodied into Cypriot ritual (Steel 2004, 178). Other vessels s uch as Mycenanaean kylikes may have been used for libation ceremonies. The ceramic focus on drinking seems reminiscent of the mainland Greek LBA castling of Pylos, with its storerooms full of drinking cups. Another shared feature is the practice of using miniature votives, either ceramics or ingots, such as at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris (Hadjisavvas 1989, 38). Apart from ceramics, Steel (2004, 178) also mentions the presence of objects that may have been used in divination incised ox-scapulae, astragalis and worked shells, and other valuable items such as faience, ivory, glass, alabaster, bronzes and sealstones, which may have been entangled in competitive display, at least on the urban sanctuaries.Three of the most famous and enigmatic bronze finds, perhaps representing deities, are the Ingot God from Enkomi, the unprovenanced Bomford statuette and the Horned God from Enkomi, all of which would seem to belong to LCIIIA (Carless Hulin 1989 Steel 2004, 180, 205 plate 25). The Ingot God is a warrior with a horned helmet, holding a small round shield and spear. He appears to be standing on a characteristically shaped bronze ox-hide ingot. The Bomford statuette resembles an Astarte figurine but also seems to stand upon an ingot. Many interpretations have been offered, including suggestions that the Ingot God is a Babylonian or Levantine god (Nergal) or the Greek smith-god Hephaistos others have linked it with Syria-Palestine or the Aegean (Carless Hulin 1989, 127). The Bomford figurine, reckoned to be a local Cypriot goddess, has been assumed to be the consort of the Ingot God, since it also stands on an ingot, and thus Carless Hulin (1989, 127) has suggested that its identification must be seen in light of that figure. While these two figures have posed significant problems in interpretation and in particular origins as deduced from style have been a major concern of those examining them, they do seem to show a connection between religion and metalwork (Steel 2004, 180). This is not entirely surprising since such a link is suggested by the miniature ingots from cult areas mentioned above at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris or those from Enkomi, some with inscriptions. Further representations of ingots have been noted that seem to show them in a ritualised sense ie being carried in a procession (unless this is mere transportation or loading), on sealstones, and in combination with human figures, trees and bucrania, the association of which would seem to indicate ritual significance (Knapp 1986, 37). Another link between religion and metalwork is shown by the physical proximity of cult and metalworking areas. This was the case at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris (Hadjisavvas 1989, 41) and can be seen clearly at Kition-Kathari (see Steel 2004, 179 fig. 6.13) as well as many other sites. Hadjisavvas (1989, 41) concluded that there was a relationship between elite control (priesthood/priest-king) of craft production and trade in copper and other commodities and betw een cult and metalworking. As with drinking, the relationship seems reminiscent of that of Pylos as a specialised production centre with close links between production, storage and religious/political authority.The Horned God has also been classed as a warrior god (Steel 2004, 205), though it does not possess the military accoutrements (the spear and shield) of the Ingot God. The impractically horned helmet may in fact be arrogating or representing some aspect of the bull divinity in human aspect. The sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi in fact revealed cattle bones, skulls and possibly traces of an Aegean bulls repoint rhyton that might be taken as supporting this conjecture. Although these three bronze figures are commonly referred to as gods, the problem of interpretation nonetheless remains. Do the statues represent deities and were they venerated? Are they votives or substitutes for worshippers or individuals? Perhaps they were simply items of cult equipment used in ceremoni es, perhaps revealed during ceremonies of divine appearance or the enactment of myths. Their deposition seems to suggest deliberate closure ceremonies (Steel 2004, 206), suggesting that these rituals and statuettes are tied to specific times in LBA Cyprus and presumably responded to specific social needs. Thus it is perhaps unwise to draw period wide generalisations from such evidence.Another type of evidence appearing in LCIII that should be mentioned briefly is the terracotta masks from the urban sanctuaries of Enkomi and Kition (Steel 2004, 204). These have been divided into anthropomorphic and demonic types, both of which are slightly less than adult life size. Some have traces of paint and eight of the anthropomorphic masks show a bearded male with cut-out eyeball and a closed mouth. The demonic faces are deeply grooved. The masks have been interpreted as ritual objects worn during rites of passage from childhood to adulthood the demonic masks representing the disorderly sta te of childhood and as masks used in mythological re-enactments connected to metalworking (Steel 2004, 205).This essay has attempted to outline and assess the evidence for cult practice in LBA Cyprus. Inevitably not all of the evidence has been mentioned here but it is hoped that reasonable coverage has been given to the main points. It has shown that while there is much evidence linked to cult in the LBA, such as figurines, sanctuaries and specialised artefacts, their interpretation is often problematic. Even when it is fairly certain that items may have been involved in cult in one way or another, any more specific comment is often impossible, even when deciding if a figurine represent a divinity. It has also been demonstrated that to link variety in architectural form to any interpretation of the political geography of LBA Cyprus may be problematic, since the wider relationships between material and non-material remain obscure. Furthermore, the essay examined the significance of several bronze statuettes, usually taken to be divinities, and the problems in their interpretation as well as the allegory terracotta masks that appear in LCIII. On the other hand, it has been shown that there seems to have been lively religious activity on LBA Cyprus that involved drinking and feasting using particular ceramics and in particular places, the pouring of libations and sacrifice of animals, as well as the deposition of valuable items. There seems to have been a particular reverence for bulls and their imagery as well as the female aspect represented by figurines and the Bomford statuette, as well as a significant link between metalworking and religion, as demonstrated by both the proximity of cult and metalworking areas and the presence of miniature ingots. Another important aspect of LBA Cypriot religion seems to be the willingness to incorporate features from outside Cyprus, the Cretan horns of consecration, for example, rhyta, Mycenaean cups, kraters and the like and the ability of Cypriot religion to change over time.ReferencesCarless Hulin, L. 1989. The identification of Cypriot cult figures through cross-cultural affinity some problems. In Peltenburg, E. (ed.) 1989. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press, pp127-39.Hadjisavvas, S. 1989. A Late Cypriot Community at Alassa. In Peltenburg, E. (ed.) 1989. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press, pp32-42.Karageorghis, V. 2001. The Great Goddess of Cyprus Between the Aegeans and the Etrocypriots. In Laffineur, R. and Hagg, R. (eds.) 2001. POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age Aegaeum 22. Gteborg Gteborg University pp323-27.Keswani, P.S. 1993. Models of Local Exchange in Late Bronze Age Cyprus. BASOR 292 73-83.Knapp, A.B. 1986. Copper Production and Divine Protection Archaeology, Ideology and Social Complexity on Bronze Age Cyprus. SIMA Pocketbook 42. Gteborg Paul Astrms Frlag.Preziosi, D. and Hitchcock, L.A. 1999. Aegean Art and Arch itecture. Oxford Oxford University Press.Steel, L. 2004. Cyprus Before History. From the Earliest Settlers to the End of the Bronze Age. London Duckworth.Tatton-Brown, V. 1997. Ancient Cyprus. (2nd edition) London British Museum Press.Webb, J.M. 1999. Ritual Architecture, Iconography and Practice in the Late Cypriot Bronze Age. Jonsered Paul Astrms Frlag.

Impact of Money on Happiness

Impact of M iodiney on HappinessThe love of bullion, as they say, is the kick dark of both evil. Yet n one(a)s be an whole important(p) commodity in e genuinelyday living. It is a universal need that is pursued one way or the other world everywhere. There argon several amenities in flavor that keep mostly just be purchased by specie and so the lack of it rotter speedily reduce an somebody, some(prenominal) individual into distress and a state of depression. Money is acquired by several means for most mickle of certain ages, to acquire currency means to simply work for it. For others of younger and in time superannuateder ages, their acquisition of money is largely retardd by others, untold(prenominal) as p arents, guardians in the case of younger community or the government, pension and previous investments in the case of the older generation. All in all, money is an essential part of living. It whitethorn not necessarily be the most important aspect in li fe sentence as go out be critically examined by and by on but it most surely ranks very high indeed on the list. Some might argue that with enough money or friction match to(predicate) finances, every other aspect of life falls into perspective. Yet it whitethorn immediately be counter argued that the term enough money or satisfactory finances is, in itself, a relative one. What constitutes adequate finances, when is a objet dart said to cod enough money? Perhaps it is worth mentioning at this conjugation the scotch theory of supply and demand and vice versa. The to a greater extent than you energise, the much you need. Human need is such that wad never be fully satisfied. For casing the needs and demands of a toddler differ importantly from that of a teenager as does that of a man in his 20s from that of a family man with children. Is it then realiz sufficient to quantify ones overall state of wellbeing by how much wealth the individual has been fortunate enough to acquire? Can money be said to possess the ability of buying or at the very least orchestrating gladness? What, in the first instance, is happiness? While it system difficult to attribute a specific definition to hhappiness, it is a lot referred to as the state of well-being characte tog outd by emotions ranging from contentment to intense joy or emotions lowgo when in a state of well-being. The opposite of happiness would consequently be sadness or to be in a sober mood. Happiness is a robust state of mind that has been pursued by mankind since the stone ages and is as old as man himself. Man as a loving being has goals and expectations in life. Such goals and expectations are quite naturally based on individual beliefs, societal or cultural norms as well as personal experiences. It is however safe to surmise that whatever a mans1 ambitions, goals, expectations and dispositions, when these desires and expectations appear to be indoors easy grasp and ultimately achieved, he will naturally be in a state of well being and experience what is known as happiness. Some of the major contributory factors to happiness embarrass but are by no means limited to the followingGood or optimum state of healthSecured and well paid tradingSupportive family or friendsAs pointed out above however, these factors are based on individual concepts of happiness and the means by which this state of mind piece of tail be achieved. From the factors above, it be passs increasingly visible that happiness can be analysed from the economic as well as psychological perspectives. According to economic experts, it is a standard assurance that happiness individual utility in the economic vocabulary depends on income, leisure and sometimes a few other factors. Yet, although mainstream models would predict that higher income leads to greater happiness, most earlier observational research has been unable to queue up a sufficiently strong correlation among subjective well-being and per capita income in affluent countries to support the standard utility assumption.2 In a research carried out in the 90s, it was discovered that even though galore(postnominal), if not all, African countries were classed as under developed societies where poverty assails most of the population, tidy sum were still happier than others of more than substantial means in countries like the United Kingdom and the United States. In a country like Nigeria for instance, the term depression was almost a strange expression for many while others who had heard of the world had never even come close to keeping such a low state of mind. inquiry on the other hand, shows that quite a significant number of long-sufferings in the UK suffer depression which is the exact opposite of happiness or a state of bliss and well being. The hunting of happiness and all it entails has been a goal overlap by people world over more than any other goal in the history of mankind. While economics might be associating the pursuit and ultimate capture, so to speak, of this rather elusive blissful state of mind with the accumulation of wealth and material satisfaction, it has been proven in new-fashioned-fashioned times that this may not very well be the case. In fact, a positive association has been shown to hold only at certain points in time within particular countries and not for the group of high-income countries as a whole.3 The usual explanations granted for this paradox are either that people compare themselves with their peers and neighbours4 or that as incomes increase, so do peoples income aspirations5. Both these factors are assumed to be present already at fairly modest levels of per-capita income. However, one recurring task with previous studies is that conclusions on the absence of an effect of economic performance on well-being have typically been based on either limited cross-section(a) samples which may be contaminated by a strong time-constant cultural component 6 or on sparse and incomplete longitudinal data.7 The unavoidable fact go alongs that with the accumulation of wealth or any other commodity for that matter, comes more responsibility or need which in turn leads to even more desire for greater accumulation. In that regard, it might be safe to surmise that perhaps wealth or its end slight accumulation does not exactly guarantee happiness.8 For instance, if a man is said to have achieved his goal and been fortunate, lucky or smart enough to secure a fantastic job and comfortable income, if the economist uprise on consumer behaviour is accurate, he should be in a blissful state of mind. However at that place are other factors which need to be considered to determine a mans state of mind and this is where the psychological and social researches into happiness comes into play. In support of Duesenberrys paradox, Kenneth Arrow believes that it offered one of the most significant contributions of the postwar period to our understanding of economic behaviour9 and that it was to be commended for attempting to link economic theory more directly with psychological motivations and with consumer learning processes.10 Some saying Duesenberrys work as attempting to broaden the theoretical economists horizon.11 Others like A. C. Pigou, expressed serious methodological reservations but nonetheless commended the potential significance of the work.12 In more recent times, in that respect has been a steadily increasing interest on the part of economists in happiness research. It has been argued that reported subjective well-being is a satisfactory empirical approximation to individual utility and that happiness research is able to contribute important insights for economics. It has also been reported how the economic variables such as income, un craft and inflation imprint happiness as well as how institutional factors, in particular the type of government democracy or dictatorship and the extent of government decentralisat ion, systematically influence how satisfied individuals are with their life, the effects and some of the consequences for economic policy and for economic theory. Whereas psychologists and sociologists have been researching the concept of happiness for a very long time, the economist approach to happiness is actually a more recent approach. Early economists and philosophers, ranging from Aristotle, who promulgated that a happy life is a good complete life and concluded that although happiness is good other things are equally good and important such things as health and wealth, knowledge and friendship, and a good good character13 to Bentham, who formulated that happiness is the greatest good14 John Stuart Mill, an ardent supporter and disciple of Bentham who agreed that . actions are right in proportion as they angle to promote happiness, terms as they tend to produce the reverse of happiness.15 have all incorporated the pursuit of happiness in their work. Yet as economics grew more rigorous and quantitative, more parsimonious definitions of upbeat took hold. Utility was taken to depend only on income as mediated by individual choices or preferences within a rational individuals monetary budget constraint. Even within a more orthodox framework, focusing rigorously on income can miss key elements of welfare as numerous economists have noted over time. People have different preferences for material and non-material goods. They may choose a lower paying but more personally rewarding job, for example. The study of happiness or subjective well-being is part of a more general move in economics that challenges these narrow assumptions. Richard Easterlin was one of the first modern economists to re-visit the concept of happiness, beginning in the early 1970s.16In economic researches world over, when people are asked relevant questions close what for them constitutes happiness, the closures are mostly identical. For those who are currently struggling to make end s meet, those who are out of jobs, those who are classified ad as under priviledged in society by virtue of their meager or no income it would appear that the wide belief is that money can indeed buy happiness. exclusively when probed further and deeper, it emerges that money on its own, may not necessarily bring happiness but mere momentary satisfaction. What money certainly does however is to relief people from their financial burdens. Where a family struggles to pay the rent/mortgage at the end of every month, bills accumulate from lack of adequate finances, holidays are a thing of the past or never experienced. If such a family is transported to a place where they can suddenly afford to consolidate their debts, pay off the mortgage, go on holidays, eat what and when they like, their spirits will certainly be lifted significantly higher than when they had little or nothing to exist on. It is at that placefore apt to surmise that money would most probably clear debts, reduce or out rightly pay off mortgages, which would certainly be a tremendous source of relief for most people. Money however may not necessarily have the ability to purchase true happiness. The human question is trained to adapt to situations, good or bad. It is therefore only a matter of time before the new found wealth becomes a given and the family is faced with other challenges. Many people, cross-section, agree that acquisition or possession of significantly more money than they have at the moment can tranquillize their day to day frustrations and perhaps distract them from their personal problems, but it cannot make them truly happy. If an individual is basically positive and optimistic, the acquisition of wealth will only enhance that persons life. It is believed that money can bring relief if the lack of it is causing stress (as is the case in the majority). If however, a person is generally neurotic, unhappy and pessimistic, no amount of money will eradicate such pessimism or ot her unrelated psychological problems the individual deals with on a daily basis. A gold rush can also bring problems to people who have no idea how to deal with money. To those who have lived from hand to mouth all their lives, unless they are intelligent about it, there is a tendency to fritter a windfall away. One has to know how to use or invest money wisely, in order to make it work for them. In a survey carried out in England and America on drawing off winners it became a clear pattern that people essentially remain who they basically were before winning the lottery. A pessimistic, uninspired individual who wins 1,000,000 in lottery is more likely to be fanny to exactly the same spy he was in before winning the lottery in less than five years. While a more optimistic, ambitious and level headed individual who wins 500,000 is more likely to go ahead and invest the money in ventures that will guarantee him part income for the foreseeable future. Money or shall we say too much money is itself a catalyst for trouble for those who are not psychologically balanced enough to handle instant wealth.Economists and psychologists have come together in numerous attempts to untangle the webs of how, why and why-not of money and the general state of well being/welfare. Of particular importance, it would appear, is the aspect of why money is seen by many as unable to set right all that is wrong in their lives and by so doing guarantee them lasting happiness. Why is it that the more money one has, the more one aspires to acquire? In the popular words of an artist ..the more money you come across, the more problems you have17 The economics of happiness is an approach to assessing welfare which combines the techniques typically used by economists with those more commonly used by psychologists. It relies on surveys of the reported wellbeing of hundreds of thousands of individuals across countries and continents.18 Why is it that when one is finally able to possess those material things that appeared all so important in the absence of money and to basically achieve their dreams it only brings momentary joy? In attempting to arrange these seemingly depressing questions, scholars of happiness have arrived at some insights that appear very useful and educational indeed. It has been commonly acknowledged and accepted that money can help find more happiness, so long as one knows just what to expect from it and does not have unrealistic expectations. Splashing out money on luxurious cars or even buying a private jet is not necessarily a means of utilising money to becoming happy. Research suggests that seeking the good life at a store is an expensive exercise in futility.19 It is essential to realise and understand where one has been going wrong in order to achieve a blissful state of mind. According to Richard Gelfond, co-chairman and CEO of Imax, being an achiever and rising out of poverty certainly brings happiness. riches therefore appears to play a bigger factor in being happy than most would like to admit. In surveys, people consistently give troika reasonablenesss for their personal happiness wealth, family and health. Being richer means being able to afford better health, however debatable an argument this is. For a terminally ill patient for instance, perhaps with the notorious HIV virus or the equally formidable cancer wealth most certainly affords them better treatment and immediate access code to the very best specialists in those fields as well as the very best medication. The patients are therefore guaranteed far more comfort in their sickness than the ordinary man on the street who depends on the state or government for his treatment. At the end of the day however, can one frankly assert that the affordability of better health care makes the former patient happier than the latter? Can either be truly happy simply because one has more money than the other? Does it not then depend on the individuals outlook on the ir circumstances? Would the flush(p) not willingly give up their wealth to become healthy again? Strange and surprising as it might sound, it is not uncommon for the poorer man to come to better terms with his condition and find, if not downright happiness, some sort of peace in the terminal medical situation he finds himself than for his richer or wealthier counterpart. Professor Robert Shiller, a Professor of economic science at Yale University, in his argument for the advantages of having money is of the opinion that more money, in all likelihood, guarantees better relationships.20 This is open to extensive debate and arguments. The simple question thereafter arises, if money or wealth enables one to find better relationships, how come then that most celebrities, by far the best paid individuals in the world, find it, from time immemorial, practically impossible to be happy in their relationships and marriages? It is common knowledge that marriages and relationships in Hollywo od or any other star dot part of the world, for that matter, are more often than not, a fleeting experience for the parties involved. Talking about celebrities and their wealth, if money does indeed procure happiness, why is it that the majority of celebrities have had at one time or the other alcohol problems, drug addiction issues, depression, suicidal tendencies and even in albeit admittedly fewer cases, death by over dose of one dangerous substance or the other? Surely if money brings happiness they, the celebrities with more money than most should be the happiest on earth. This is however evidently not the case. It stands to reason therefore that while money promotes a better signified of well being in some, better sense of achievement in others, contentment, the satisfaction that comes with the ability and affordability of luxury gunpoints o comfort, and even perhaps momentary happiness and joy in others, it is not the mere happenstance of such money or wealth in ones life that procures happiness or any true sense of joy for the consumer. Tim Webber of the BBCs Business Edition, in one of his editorials, Why money doesnt buy happiness21 quotes an African artist, Youssou NDour as follows Forget money completely. Youssou NDour is reported as going on to say that there is plenty of happiness in Senegal, even though its people are not rich at all. unsloped see the joy that music and entertainment can bring to the boys in the poorest parts of Dakar. says Mr NDour. But he concedes that one thing was even better than the music and other elements that promote happiness in Senegal the moment when Senegal beat France in the 2002 Football World Cup.22 Catherine Sanderson, a psychology prof at Amherst College expresses her opinion on the debate of economics approach to happiness by saying that human beings are never satisfied. It is standard consumer behavioural pattern. The more we have, the more we are likely to want. It is the inherent nature of man. Ms. S anderson authoritatively asserts that we always think just that little bit more money will be the answer to all our problems and bring ultimate satisfaction.23 Indeed, it would appear that the more money one makes, the more one wants or continue to aspire to make. The more one has the less effective it is at bringing one joy. Little wonder it is therefore that this seeming paradox has long bedeviled economists. Another reputable scholar, Professor Dan Gilbert, psychology professor at Harvard University opines that erstwhile you get basic human needs met, a lot more money doesnt make a lot more happiness,24. Regrettably, there is no easy way out of being unhappy money is no short cut to happiness for a depressed person. Overcoming ones emotions and teaching ones self to be happy can be more difficult that earning more money or winning the lottery as explained above. In fact, according to Matthew Herper,25 if a person is handed $10, the pleasure centres of his brain lights up as if h e were given food, sex or drugs. But that initial rush does not translate into long-run pleasure for most people. Surveys have found virtually the same level of happiness between the very rich individuals on the Forbes 400 and the Maasai herdsman of East Africa. Lottery winners return to their previous level of happiness after five years. Increases in income just do not seem to make people happier and most negative life experiences likewise have only a small impact on long-term satisfaction.26 Probably via media exposure or even in real life, at some point in time or another extremely rich, pixilated and famous people have been seen to be unhappier than one would expect them to be, given the amount of material benefits that they have. It is surprising that a large number of wealthy people do not seem to experience the happiness that one would expect goes with so much money and riches. A study conducted by the University of Illinois indicated that more than 30 percent of the riches t people in America were not as happy as the person who earned a modest income.27 It is worth mentioning that more often than not, most of the sulking, miserable people one comes across in everyday life are rich people. This is obviously not due to the fact that these wealthy people are unable to afford three square meals, pay the mortgage, go on holiday or afford whatever luxurious item catches their fancy. Their misery is as a result of the fact that people generally seem to have more expectations from money. Money cannot buy anyone everything but in the minds of people who give up everything for money, it is difficult to accept, having acquired the wealth of their goal that they strove so hard to achieve partial success. This is not to negate the positive effects money has in the society and on ones well being in particular. Yes, money most certainly is important to help one live life to the fullest and be able to experience the good things in life, not necessarily criminally exp ensive activities but such holidays, clothes, jewelries, and cars that become seemingly un pass awayable when one is void of the purchasing means. But at the same time, an increase in its inflow does not bring proportional happiness with it. As the age old saying goesthe grass will always (appear to) look greener on the other side. If As income increases by $20,000, he is happy until he finds out his conterminous door, perhaps less qualified neighbours income has increased by $60,000 and that the neighbour can now afford the car of As dreams without good luck the bank.The economics of happiness does not purport to replace income-based measures of welfare, but instead to complement them with broader measures of well-being. These measures are based on the results of large-scale surveys, across countries and over time, of hundreds of thousands of individuals who are asked to assess their own welfare. The surveys provide information about the importance of a range of factors which aff ect wellbeing, including income but also others such as health, marital and employment status, and civic trust. The approach, which relies on expressed preferences rather than on revealed choices, is particularly well suited to answering questions in areas where a revealed preferences approach provides limited information. Indeed, it often uncovers discrepancies between expressed and revealed preferences. The latter cannot fully gauge the welfare effects of particular policies or institutional arrangements which individuals are powerless to change. Examples of these include the welfare effects of inequality, environmental degradation, and macroeconomic policies such as inflation and unemployment. In a recent happiness survey at the University of Colorado, it was established that actual involvement in doing things can bring more joy than having things. Gilovich and Leaf Van Boven, both of the University of Colorado conducted this survey by asking students what makes them happy, when and where. The students were also asked to ultimately decide if they were at the happiest when they were doing something as against when they were buying something. It emerged that mans preoccupation with stuff obscures an important truth that the things that do not last create the most lasting happiness. One reason may be that experiences tend to blossom and not diminish as they are recalled. In your memory, youre free to embellish and elaborate,28 Gilovich admonished the students. Your trip to Mexico may have been an perpetual parade of hassles punctuated by a few exquisite moments. But looking back on it, your brain can edit out the surly cabdrivers, store only the glorious sunsets. So next time you think that arranging a vacation is more trouble than its worthor a cost youd rather not shoulderfactor in the delayed impact.29Economists have found out in the United States for instance that an increase in income does not necessarily automatically yield an equal increase in ones le vel of happiness. In one of the several surveys conducted, it was discovered that going from earning less than $20,000 a year to making more than $50,000 admittedly makes the recipient twice as likely to be happy, yet the payoff for then surpassing $90,000 is slight. And while the rich are happier than the poor, the enormous rise in living standards over the past 50 years has not made Americans happier.30 Why? David Futrelle gave three reasons for this. According to him, we overestimate how much pleasure there is to be derived from having more. Humans are adaptable creatures, which has been a plus during assorted ice ages, plagues and wars. But, he argues, that is also why people are never all that satisfied for long when good fortune comes their way. While earning more makes people happy in the short term, we quickly adjust to the new wealth, status and everything that comes with it. Granted, there is bound to be a certain thrill and sense of achievement which comes with the first shiny and exotic car one buys from the increased income or new found wealth, splashing out on huge screen televisions and even spending money on family. But it is not long before all these become normal and the consumer begins to want even more. It is when this insatiable appetite for more yields little or no result that man begins again to experience dissatisfaction and many people find themselves descending back to the very initial position they were in the first place reverting to a state of running in place that economists call the hedonic treadmill.31 The hedonic treadmill theory explains the popularly held observation that rich people are no happier than poor people, and that those with severe money problems are sometimes quite happy. The theory supports the argument that money does not buy happiness and that the pursuit of money as a way to reach this goal is futile. Good and bad fortunes may temporarily affect how happy a person is,but most people will end up back at their n ormal level of happiness.32Buttressing Mr. Yarrows point on the same subject, John Lanchester also observed that following studies of data from all over the world, it is clear that, instead of getting happier as they become better off, people get stuck in a place where their expectations rise at the same grand as their incomes and the happiness they seek remains constantly just out of reach.33 Reference is here being made yet again to the hedonistic treadmill. Daniel Kahneman, the one time (2003) winner of Nobel Prize for economics is best known for his work on hedonic psychology.34 Kahneman opines that suddenly the big question is being asked by those who pass their lives on making and measuring money what indeed is it all for when people are no happier than they were.35 Be all these as they may, the fact remains incontestable that money does matter in various ways. In England, for instance, people who are earning less than or around 10,000 per annum are measurably, permanently h appier when paid more. It matters when people of any income feel a drop from what they have become accustomed to. But above all, money makes people unhappy when they compare their own income with others.36 Richer people are happier not by the simple virtue of the absolute size of their wealth, but because they have more than other people. But the wider the wealth gap, the worse it harms the rest. Rivalry in income makes those left behind more miserable that it confers extra happiness on the winners. This insatiable appetite for more will keep driving a man back to the car dealership or to the electronic gadget stores in search of better and bigger items for more satisfaction. According to Gilbert37 however, what is being mistaken for happiness and satisfaction at buying a new toy is simply the feeling that comes on the day one actually buys the item in question. Once the initial razzmatazz fades away and the new Ferrari or even private jet no longer races the heart, man tends to dra w the wrong conclusions. Instead of sceptical the notion or erroneous, if honest, belief that happiness can be bought at the dealership, one often begins to question their choice of car. Perhaps I would feel better with a Ford Mustang? This thought alone sparks a fresh burst of enthusiasm and hope for more happiness which simply leads to yet more vexation once the new car is purchased and the racing heart also inevitably settles back to normal after a few days or weeks. once again this is what economists refer to as typical consumer behaviour. More often than not, this dissatisfaction with the material things that come with wealth is borne out of envy for others around us. Quite naturally, more money can and does lead to more stress. The big salary pulled in from a high-paying job may not necessarily procure much in the way of happiness, at least not much more than the individual is accustomed to. Some have even gone as far as saying if one is unable to find happiness in their cu rrent situation on a low income job it is unlikely that such persons will ever be happy even in a high paying job. The whole idea is to cut ones coat according to ones size to afford flexibility, satisfaction and happiness because however low ones income is, there are always people below the hierarchy of earnings. Just as however much one earns, there will always be people on the upper rung of the ladder of success. What more money can do however is to buy one a (more) spacious house in the suburbs. What immediately becomes a problem is the long trip to and from work, taking the children (if there are any) to school and commuting to social activities from the suburbs or the countryside. At the end of the day, it is only natural that the everyday commute, even if permissible initially, becomes a problem and however much one loves their job, becomes a burden and wears down the individual. As in the case of lack of continued satisfaction with ones purchases, compariso

Increase Learning And Learners Development Education Essay

Increase Learning And Learners Development Education EssayPositive attitude, organisation, focus, communication, feedback, questioning, brushup and closure are the essential instruct skills that all effective teachers should possess to maximise student learning (Eggen Kauchak, 2010). First year teachers that possess these skills and apply these strategies in the classroom allow rule less vulnerable and more prepared to meet the challenges of teaching, and they depart be able to maintain a positive and controllable classroom. Combinations of strategies, such as agreeing on classroom rules and consequences at the beginning of the year, being consistent about expectations, reinforcing appropriate behaviour, being neutral, maintaining student dignity, etc, are too helpful in classroom management.A calm and productive environment starts with the teacher. Appropriate actions and positive attitudes, of a teacher towards students, should be maintained at all times. out or keeping(p ) handling of a problem student may make the dapple worse. Teachers are a role model for students and students look to the teacher for safety and congruity in the classroom. If a teacher appears to not be able to handle behavioural problems in the classroom some students may become anxious and withdrawn. Teachers also need to be able to meet the instructional postulate of an ever changing student population. The act used to meet these needs should also embarrass examining learning style and how this, along with teaching style and classroom environment, contributes to the students academic achievement and fulfilment.If teachers bring forth the right approach to teaching, satisfaction can be gained from teaching when students enjoy learning and apply learning to everyday situations. The more fellowshipable you are, the better able you will be to meet the demands and challenges of teaching, and the better able you will be to capitalise on its excitement and rewards (Eggen Kauch ak, 2010, p6). When teachers encourage students this makes learning fun and interactive, students begin to learn and take interest in what lies within information/ familiarity which are not in the basic concept of just learning for the sake of it. This has been how teachers have taught in past generations. One of the misconceptions about teaching is the predilection that knowledge of subject matter is all that is necessary to teach effectively, knowledge of content is essential, but understanding how to make that content meaningful to students requires an additional mixture of knowledge (Eggen Kauchak, 2010, p7-8). Strategies and concepts applied correctly and effectively by teachers means that the students learning begins to take on meaning and ownership. It is imperatively important that as a teacher you understand what is being taught, we cant teach what we dont understand (Eggen Kauchak, 2010, p8). If a teacher has little understanding of the content it is hard for the stude nts to learn as the teacher needs to have very good knowledge of content as well as pedagogical content knowledge an understanding of how to represent topics in shipway that make them understandable to learners, as well as an understanding of what makes specific topics easy or hard to learn (Eggen Kauchak, 2010, p9).Teachers need to encourage students to use their cognitive knowledge by forming companys within the classroom. Teachers choose basic concepts that they are confident the students will know and then get the students progressing onto more complex concepts. By having knowledge of basic concepts this allows students to recall knowledge that they have learnt in previous lessons to actively think about making connections and relationships associated to other subjects, for example how the talent to count is quite a useful when completing scientific experiments. By doing this students are using both procedural and conceptual knowledge. When teachers call on an individual s tudent to explain their process of sentiment about the concepts of what they are learning allows the teacher to assess what the student has learnt. Placing students into groups allows the students to understand other students ways of thinking which then allows the student to assess and development their own knowledge. Group placements allow the teacher to assess students Zone of proximal Development. Students who have a low zone will be helped in their thinking by the other students in their group who have a more developed proximal zone. This method is effective in guiding the students who need a little more help.As booker et al (2010, p399) suggests, Meaning, understanding and appreciation cannot be given to children by a teacher-dominated transmission approach to teaching. Students need a wealth of practical and creative experiences in solving problems by observing, analysing, describing, exploring and drawing a variety of shapes, arrangements, patterns, maps and other geometric structures. Problem solving scenarios, in group tasks, best demonstrates this. Students are required to work in a team to encourage social interaction, critical thinking and active involvement. This also helps to motivate the students to plosive speech sound on task and retain the knowledge and skills learnt. Encouraging free exploration allows the teacher time to assess the learning capacity of the students. Teachers are also more likely to offer help and assistance to the students who require further centering or extra work for the students who excel at a faster pace. Having the ability to engage students in class activities and discussions, by using social situations and group work, also allows the teacher to discover what activities work towards helping students learn whilst keeping the management on the lesson being taught. Children construct much of their reality through playing and their games almost always involve sustained attention, high-level thinking and collective a s well as individual effort (Booker eta l, 2010, p8).The resources that are available to teachers are designed to introduce students to the topic being taught, but also give the students, who have a better grasp of the topic, to challenge themselves further. The students, who are more advanced, are an asset to the teacher. These students can assist other students in a group situation as they can provide scaffolding to other students in the way of their thinking and processing skills as well as their higher Zone of Proximal Development.By providing a safe, happy and positive environment teachers can guide students using a practical and hands on approach. Promoting team building that will challenge each students theories and learning skills through group activities can be achieved by creating socially and physically interactive classroom environments. Teachers need to be self-importance observant and be able to adjust their teaching strategies and techniques to suit the needs of the s tudents. Communication networks with other, and older, teachers are of a great value. First year teachers need to feel comfortable to ask for guidance and support, to ask for help when required and not to let problems increase. Think outside the box and be proactive and seek utility(a) resources which may be adapted to meet the needs of different students and their levels of learning. Teachers are responsible for every student that enters their classroom. These are the students that teachers help shape by guidance and effective teaching strategies. The better prepared a teacher is, the better prepared the students of the future will be.

William Goldings Lord Of the Flies :: Golding Lord Flies

William Goldings Lord Of the FliesThemeMost people perceive children as being innocent, strange beings. Some believe that they are angelic. Put in the wrong situations though, they can become savage beasts. The innocence leaves their bodies and they are no longer precious. The survival of the fittest full kicks on and they can become killers. In the book Lord of the Flies the theme is that kids are not as innocent s they search.At the base of the book the boys seem to have peace and order. They help one an early(a) out. They elect Ralph as their leader. They follow his orders when they need to work together. The conch shell is used to contain order within the group of boys. Soon these practices die out and the kids setoff to change.Jack and his group of hunters, began to get a thrill from killing pigs. Jack and the hunters as well lose all respect for Ralph and the conch. They start their own tribe, who soul purpose is to hunt and have rituals. The killings of the pigs start to bore them so they began to find other things to kill.The hunters start forcing people to join the tribe through threats. Then the threats lead to the killings of two boys. The hunters first kill Simon , whom they think is a beast. Then they kill Piggy by rolling a stone on top of him. With the two killing under their belt they soon began to go after Ralph. They chase him all everyplace the island but soon he is rescued. The naval officer witnesses how the children had turned from well-behaved boys to savage beast.Though children are not as innocent as they seem they still hold a close place in their parents heart. They are also human just like everyone else. They know the difference between portentous and white and right and wrong. The survival of the fittest instinct is something that every creature on this planet has. The weak one always loose. The book showed this well.Important PassagesRalph sat on a fallen trunk, his left side to the sun. On his righ t were most of the choir on his left the larger boys who had not known each other before...before him small children squatted in the grass.

Marketing Of An Innovative Ide :: essays research papers

The number of multitude in the United States that work on their own automobiles continues to increase. This is evident by the chronic number of auto-part stores that are opened e truly year. New stores, new chains, the rival is fierce. One reason for this is that the cost of taking your automobile in to the shop, to kind something as simple as a $10 gasket, can be very expensive. It could end up costing you a couple of hundred dollars do to labor. dig up can make up anywhere from thirty to ninety percent of the bill. The other problem is imageing a place to go that you can trust. at that place are a clump of crooked mechanics that seem to find more problems or even make more problems with your vehicle than what you originally brought it in for. Another issue with using a service garage is that you ordinarily have to leave you vehicle the whole day in order to bring forth the work through with(p). This usually turns into quite an inconvenience. You end up having to wait a t the shop or having to find someone to pick you up and take you back. It is no wonder that people are becoming more involved with functional on their own vehicles. Budget conscientious people will not payment for high labor and better yet, unnecessary labor. Actually, lots of people enjoy, and cull to work on their own automobiles. You can save a lot of money from the cost of labor and unnecessary maintenance. Doing it yourself also gives you reassurance of the job being done thoroughly and correctly the first time. Not all work though, is considered feasible to be done by the do-it-yourself mechanic. An average person is not release to take an engine out of the vehicle and do an overhaul. What they can do though, is change parts, filters, fluids, tires, and perform many other routine maintenance tasks. A lot of these jobs involve having to lift up the vehicle. Usually what you have to do is get a jack, lift up the vehicle, place a stand underneath, and then abase the vehicle on to it. The stand is necessary if you need more than one deferral of the vehicle lifted at once. This could be a time devour process. The first thing you usually have to do is find that jack from the trunk. at once you do that, you then have to figure out where it goes on the vehicle to properly lift it.Marketing Of An Innovative Ide essays research papers The number of people in the United States that work on their own automobiles continues to increase. This is evident by the continuing number of auto-part stores that are opened every year. New stores, new chains, the competition is fierce. One reason for this is that the cost of taking your automobile in to the shop, to change something as simple as a $10 gasket, can be very expensive. It could end up costing you a couple of hundred dollars do to labor. Labor can make up anywhere from thirty to ninety percent of the bill. The other problem is finding a place to go that you can trust. There are a lot of crooked mechanics th at seem to find more problems or even make more problems with your vehicle than what you originally brought it in for. Another issue with using a service garage is that you usually have to leave you vehicle the whole day in order to get the work done. This usually turns into quite an inconvenience. You end up having to wait at the shop or having to find someone to pick you up and take you back. It is no wonder that people are becoming more involved with working on their own vehicles. Budget conscientious people will not pay for high labor and better yet, unnecessary labor. Actually, lots of people enjoy, and prefer to work on their own automobiles. You can save a lot of money from the cost of labor and unnecessary maintenance. Doing it yourself also gives you reassurance of the job being done thoroughly and correctly the first time. Not all work though, is considered feasible to be done by the do-it-yourself mechanic. An average person is not going to take an engine out of the vehic le and do an overhaul. What they can do though, is change parts, filters, fluids, tires, and perform many other routine maintenance tasks. A lot of these jobs involve having to lift up the vehicle. Usually what you have to do is get a jack, lift up the vehicle, place a stand underneath, and then lower the vehicle on to it. The stand is necessary if you need more than one corner of the vehicle lifted at once. This could be a time consuming process. The first thing you usually have to do is find that jack from the trunk. Once you do that, you then have to figure out where it goes on the vehicle to properly lift it.

The Post-Soviet Reemergence of the Russian Empire Essay -- essays rese

The 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union signified an end to Russias control over its Middle Eastern Empire. Many of its states seceded and founded new nations and Russia lost world-shattering power over the field. The new Russian Federation, in an effort to reestablish Soviet supremacy, has launched a neo-imperialistic campaign to once once again have political, sparing and protection control over the area today known as the Caucasus. Principally, Russia wants to have political control over the area consisting of the lands of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Georgia and Chechnya as well as the Caspian Sea. Furthermore, it is an objective to reap profit from this resource-rich area to stabilize Russias economy. Additionally, Russia wants to ensure the security of its power in the Middle East. In order to achieve these motives the Russian Government has intaked various strategies involving political legerdemain, economic exaction and military operations. After years of weaknes s following the breakdown of the Soviet Socialist government, Russia has once again sought to expand its empire over all of its successor states. The Russian government has used various tactics to assert power over the Caspian region as well as to achieve its political motives. Russias position in the economic sphere has been a valuable strategy to obtain political ends. Moscows main lever of power, then as now, was its pipeline system, a remnant of the centralized Soviet economy in which all crude and natural gas from the Caspian first traversed Russia before passing on to the West. (LeVinne, 1999) Russias control over this pipeline has meant that it has direct control over the Caspian nations resources and can use this to their advantage. One such example was... ...influence within the space of the former Soviet Union a determining aspect in the forthcoming of Russian statehood. The entities surrounding the Caspian Sea are also the focus of many vital economic prospects which w ould contribute to Russias hegemony over the Southern Tier region. In a textbook example of neo-imperialism Russia has covered all its bases included the impending threat of enemies resulting from Moscows political and economic exploitation. Russia has proved that it will use any means possible such as military conquest and political and economic hegemony to its advantage to extend its control over the territory, political systems and economic profits of the nations forming the Caucasus. The Russian government has certainly demonstrated its resurgent imperial ability and resolute determination to ultimately see the reemergence of a powerful Russian empire.